TRADER JOE BIDEN

May 26, 2024 § 2 Comments

President Joe Biden is in the oil trading game. To date he has bought low and sold high, an enviable record. He has used the Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) as a tool for stabilizing oil price continually, and not just in a supply crisis. His nuanced policy on minimizing Russian oil sale profits has not caused a supply-disruption-led oil price rise. In the last two years, transport fuel price has been stable in the US, and domestic oil production has been high. Some folks think he is perpetuating fossil fuel in achieving the latter. Not so. Shale oil wells are notoriously short lived. Other folks think he is taking an inspired gamble with our energy security. He is not. Abundant, accessible, shale oil is our security. And conventional oil traders must be haters. Riding volatility waves is their skill.

When President Biden authorized withdrawal of 180 million barrels (MM bbls) from the SPR in 2022, there were howls of anguish from many sides. The SPR was a reserve, for emergencies, not the sitting president’s piggy bank, he was placing the country at risk and so on. At the time I wrote a blog supporting the drawdown, which entailed 1 MM bbl per day withdrawal for 180 days. My support was premised on the argument that the SPR was no longer necessary at the design level of 714 MM bbls. At the time it was conceived in 1973 (and executed in 1975), we were importing 6.2 MM bbl per day. In 2022 we were a net exporter by a small margin. But the story is better than that. We import heavily discounted heavy oil and export full price light crude. Again, buying low, selling high.

The chart shows the SPR levels over the years. Note the plummet in 2022. In February 2024 it was at 361 MM bbls. This is ample in part because much of domestic production is shale oil, and new wells can be brought on stream within a few weeks. Shale oil is, in effect, our strategic reserve.  One argument against that assertion is that many of the operators are small independent producers, who are averse to taking risk with future pricing, and may need inducements.

Biden’s Gambit

Enter President Biden into the quandary. He needs gasoline prices to remain affordable. But he also needs the shale oil drillers to keep at it for the nation to continue to enjoy North American self-sufficiency in oil (domestic production plus a friendly and inter-dependent partner Canada). Gas is a horse of a different color. The US has gone from an importer of liquefied natural gas (LNG) to the largest exporter in the world in just 15 years. American LNG is key to reduced European reliance on Russian gas. How this is reconciled against renewable energy thrusts, is a topic unto itself for another time.

He ordered the SPR release described above. The average price of the oil in the reserve was around USD 28 per bbl. He sold it at an average price of USD 95. All SPR oil is not the same quality, and depending on which tranches were sold, the selling price could have been less for any given lot. On average not a shabby profit. Then in July last year, when the price was USD 67, he refilled the SPR some (see the small blip upward on the chart). In so doing he fulfilled a commitment he made to drillers back in 2022 that he would buy back if the price dropped to the USD 67 – 72 range. Such purchases would, of course, have some impact on raising prices. The mere intent, taken together with the fact that the SPR had sufficient capacity to add 350 MM bbls, would give the market a measure of stability, a goal shared by OPEC, albeit at levels believed to be in the mid-80s.

The purchase in July 2023 was for about 35% of the amount he sold in 2022. The reported profit was USD 582 MM. According to Treasury, the 2022 sale caused a drop in gasoline price of USD 0.40 per gallon. In an election year. And the mid-term election went more blue than expected. Political motivations aside, the tactical use of the SPR to stabilize gasoline prices and at the same time keep domestic industry vibrant, is a valid weapon in any President’s arsenal. As noted earlier, an SPR at a third of the originally intended levels is now adequate as a strategic reserve. Any fill above that level could be discretionary.

Biden’s gambit went a step further. Prices were declining in October 2023. Biden unveiled a standing offer to buy oil for the SPR at a price of USD 79 for up to 3 MM bbls a month, no matter the market price at the time. For the producer this was a hedge against lower prices. While in world consumption terms this was the proverbial drop in the bucket (uhh, barrel), the inducement worked. Investment is reported to have tripled in the period following the offer.

Russian Oil

The Russian invasion of Ukraine prompted actions intended to reduce Russian income while not causing a rise in the world oil price. A combination of sanctions and price caps has certainly achieved the second goal. Russia was forced to sell oil through secondary channels and India became a large buyer, initially at heavily discounted prices. India then refined the oil and sold into all markets, including US and allies. Blind eyes got turned. At first. Now there are additional sanctions. As I noted before, US policy was nuanced. But world prices remained stable and US production thrived.

Trader Joe Biden has shown how deft buying and selling oil can utilize the SPR to achieve national objectives while making a profit*. And in so doing, not relinquish the strategic objective of it as a reserve against extraordinary supply shocks. Future presidents will take note.

* You’ve got to know when to hold ‘em, know when to fold ‘em, in The Gambler, by Kenny Rogers (1978), written by Don Schlitz.

Vikram Rao

May 26, 2024

Kicking Shale into the Eyes of the Russian Bear

November 19, 2011 § 1 Comment

On January 7, 2009, Russia shut off the natural gas flowing through the main European pipeline in the Ukraine.  This was a particularly cold winter and 20 European countries encountered serious shortfalls.  Discussed below are the reasons given by all of the players.  But the principal point was, and continues to be, that Russia can use natural gas supplies as a weapon to achieve political objectives.  In late 2008, Russia threatened to form a gas based OPEC (dubbed OGEC) with Iran and Qatar with the express intent of manipulating world gas prices.  Has shale gas dampened their ardor?  More on that below.

Unilateral fuel cut off as an instrument of political will would be essentially not possible with oil.  Oil is more fungible, and alternative supplies can be brought to bear if a major supplier falters, deliberately or otherwise.  It may cost more but you could get it.

Natural gas is a regional commodity.  Bulk transport across land can only be through pipelines, and these are expensive and have long lead times.  Transport across the ocean is feasible only if the gas is liquefied.  For shorter distances there are exceptions, where gas pipelines cross bodies of water, such as in the North Sea.  The liquid product is known as Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG).  This process entails cooling the gas to -160° C into a liquid that is 600 times as dense as free gas.  This is then transported at near-atmospheric pressure.  The low temperatures are maintained by auto-refrigeration by allowing small amounts to boil off, which chills the remaining liquid.  An everyday analog is cooling of our skin by a fan or a breeze causing evaporation of our perspiration.

While LNG is a viable alternative to a domestic gas supply, it can only be delivered to a port location, and in fact only one with a re-gas terminal.  This high capital cost is unlikely to justify a capability merely to be available for upset conditions.  So, as a practical matter withholding of a domestic source is a powerful weapon, LNG alternatives notwithstanding.  Also, LNG is more costly.  Typically the added cost over the price of the gaseous version is about $3-4 per million British Thermal Units (MMBTU).  Transport distance is the determinant of where you are in that range.  As a frame of reference, that is roughly the price of natural gas in the US today.  So, LNG would essentially double that.  This is why cheap shale gas in North America has rendered imported LNG passé.

The sheer distance between producer and user is the reason why natural gas prices are so variable across the world.  The price in Europe is about double that in the U.S., and in Japan, about triple.  This is in part because costly LNG is the marginal cubic foot, and so sets the price.

Russian Use of Gas as Weapon:  Unlike in the Soviet era, Russia can no longer impose its political will through threatened military action.  Russian gas is a significant source for most European countries.  It is the dominant source for nine countries, including Greece, Finland, Hungary and the Czech Republic.  This monopoly allows unilateral action against any one of the countries.  Action against too many would result in loss of needed revenue.  As a parenthetical point, the Arab Oil Embargo in 1973 had a profound and lasting effect on the price of oil, aside from the short-term privation.  But the original political objective was not realized, that of causing a significant shift in support away from Israel.  Interestingly, though, the lasting price escalation that was a direct result of the embargo swelled, producing country coffers.  This allowed financing of politically motivated actions in other countries, including the funding of Islamic schools known as madrasas in Indonesia and other countries.  These are believed by some to be linked to militancy.  In any case, there is little doubt that oil money is behind militant Islamism.

In an odd twist, the embargo driven sustained higher prices opened up exploration in promising but costly areas such as ultra deep water and the Arctic, thus reducing dependency on OPEC.  Since then, Norway and Brazil have become important players, on the backs of deepwater development.

The Russian action in 2009 was allegedly driven by a dispute with the Ukrainians with respect to poaching on the gas line.  While there may have been merit to this, most believe the action was intended to injure the Ukrainian Orange Revolution, which was seen by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev as not commensurate with Russian interests.  That the Revolution was suppressed is not in question.  The temporal connection strongly implies causality with the gas cut off action.  In many ways this act was more effective than would have been a military one.  It also undoubtedly sent a message to other European states.  Even Western Europe was affected, with southern Germany losing about 60% of its imported gas.

Shale Gas Could Change That:  As discussed in a previous chapter, the mechanism by which shale gas accumulates makes it likely to be ubiquitous.  So the likelihood of substantial deposits in Europe is high.  Initial estimates by the Energy Information Administration (EIA) show large deposits in Poland and France, with smaller amounts elsewhere, including the UK and the Ukraine.  Poland is actively exploring and the U.K. is following suit.  France currently has a moratorium on fracturing, but is also not as much in strategic need due to low dependency on coal-based power.  U.S. efforts to produce gas with a minimal environmental impact will be important in widespread exploitation in Europe.  Poland is certainly resolute on the matter.  Furthermore, in the U.S., as exploration proceeds, the resource estimates are bound to increase.  All new hydrocarbon resource plays follow that pattern.

Gazprom, the mammoth Russian company operating gas assets, has publicly expressed concerns regarding the effect of shale gas on future pricing.  The fact that Russia too will have large deposits is irrelevant.  A further increase in their resource base is interesting, but not a factor in the concern regarding domestic sources in client countries.

An interesting possibility is that U.S. shale gas could be exported as LNG.  Until European deposits are developed, U.S. sourced LNG could be a factor in offsetting Russian supply.  If U.S. prices remain low, as is expected, landed LNG in Europe could profitably be at below $9 per MMBTU for some years and closer to $7 today.  From a Russian standpoint, this will not be a pricing concern, but certainly the gas as weapon argument is affected.  Strictly from an economic perspective, the best sources for North American LNG are Alaska and British Columbia gas, and the most logical target customer is Japan.

OGEC is dead:  60% of the conventional gas reserves reside in Russia, Iran and Qatar.  Operating costs are very low, especially in Iran and Qatar.  In late 2008, the three announced an intent to form a gas based OPEC, which was dubbed OGEC.  (Note:  the P in OPEC is Petroleum and by definition, albeit not by common usage, gas is included in the term petroleum, so the acronym OPEC could have applied to gas as well in theory; but with a different cast of characters that would not have made sense.) Alexey Miller, chairman of Russia’s Gazprom, said they were forming a “big gas troika.”  He also predicted an end to the era of cheap hydrocarbons, thus signaling the intent of the gas cartel to raise prices and keep them high.  OPEC accomplishes this despite supplying only about a quarter of the world’s oil.  The Troika would likely have been pretty effective, in part because Russian markets are Europe and China over land, and the other two are much more LNG dependent.  So, unlike current OPEC members, at least the senior partner Russia, will be essentially non-compete with the other two except for LNG relief valves for Russian force majeure, contrived or otherwise.

Shale gas over time will kill attempts at OGEC.  China is expected to have even more shale gas resource than the U.S. and will exploit it quickly.  China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) has already taken positions in two U.S. shale gas plays and in the first large one in the U.K.  There is little doubt that part of the intent is to transfer technology to China deposits.  European shale gas will certainly be a factor.  There is reason to believe most of the countries currently importing LNG, including India, have shale gas opportunities.  Finally, there is the specter of U.S. as an LNG export player.  All of this adds up to a world with a lot of gas in consuming countries and more options.  When consumers have options, cartels are ineffective.  Gas has always been harder to manipulate than oil.  Transportation needs can only be met by oil-derived products.  Gas on the other hand can be replaced by coal, wind and solar for power.  OGEC can be pronounced DOA, and we have shale gas to thank for that.

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